More of the Same: Persistent Representational Harms Under Increased Representation
Abstract.
To recognize and mitigate the harms of generative AI systems, it is crucial to consider who is represented in the outputs of generative AI systems and how people are represented. A critical gap emerges when naively improving who is represented, as this does not imply bias mitigation efforts have been applied to address how people are represented. We critically examined this by investigating gender representation in occupation across state-of-the-art large language models. We first show evidence suggesting that over time there have been interventions to models altering the resulting gender distribution, and we find that women are more represented than men when models are prompted to generate biographies or personas. We then demonstrate that representational biases persist in how different genders are represented by examining statistically significant word differences across genders. This results in a proliferation of representational harms, stereotypes, and neoliberalism ideals that, despite existing interventions to increase female representation, reinforce existing systems of oppression.
1. Introduction
The existence of social biases and representational harms in the outputs of language models and generative AI systems is well documented (Cheng et al., 2023; Rudinger et al., 2018; Zhao et al., 2018). As a result, a number of benchmarks and evaluations have been created to measure social biases. These methods rely on templates specifying social groups (Caliskan et al., 2017), sentences containing specific stereotypes (Nadeem et al., 2020; Nangia et al., 2020), or observing the marked words that result from prompting specific social groups (Cheng et al., 2023). Although these methods give insights into the nature of existing social biases and representational harms, they do not provide insight into whether these social biases proliferate when social groups are not prompted, which is troubling as most usage of generative AI does not specify a social group as such representational harms may proliferate and current benchmarks and evaluations would not capture this. In this work, we study representational harms in the output of language models when demographics are not explicitly prompted.
Representational harms are multi-dimensional (Chien and Danks, 2024). In particular, both who is represented and how they are represented matters. This can pose challenges for bias measurement and mitigation efforts. While a number of bias mitigation methods have been developed to address harmful social biases, spanning pre-processing approaches (Dinan et al., 2020; Sun et al., 2023; Yu et al., 2023), prompting techniques (Abid et al., 2021; Fatemi et al., 2023; Gallegos et al., 2024b; Mattern et al., 2022; Venkit et al., 2023; Yang et al., 2023), in-training approaches (Guo et al., 2022; Zheng et al., 2023), intra-processing approaches (Hauzenberger et al., 2023), and post-training approaches (Dhingra et al., 2023), usage of commercial systems regularly reveals failure modes. For example, a version of Gemini prompted Google to apologize after the commercial model generated historically inaccurate images, such as images perceived to be Black, Asian, or Indigenous to the prompt ‘a portrait of a Founding Father of America’ (Kharpal, 2024; Raghavan, 2024). This may have resulted from bias mitigation interventions aimed at addressing who is represented but not accounting for how they are represented and the context, illustrating that mitigating social biases is complex and requires a nuanced approach. A gap emerges in that addressing who is represented does not imply that harms in how people are represented have been addressed.
We critically examine this gap by investigating gender bias in state-of-the-art models. We accomplish this by generating personas and biographies of various occupations without specifying gender. This allows us to investigate who is represented within these generations and analyze how people are represented, by examining the statistically significant differences in how men and women are described within these generations. In Section 5.1, we examine this and find that, on average, across all models and occupations, the representation of women is greater than men which to our knowledge has not been explicitly observed in prior work.111Based on personal communication, we believe this was known by the developers of commercial large language models but has not been formally published. This indicates that companies may have utilized bias interventions to address who is represented within occupation as previous work has demonstrated gender bias in occupation representation, where male-dominated occupations are more likely to be associated with men and female-dominated occupations are more associated with women, by observing word embeddings (Rudinger et al., 2018; Zhao et al., 2018) and utilizing or building upon existing bias benchmarks to analyze gender biases in occupation (Brown et al., 2020; Kotek et al., 2023; Mattern et al., 2022). This indicates that model developers may have used bias mitigation methods to address these past gender biases as our findings indicate that the likelihood that a doctor is described with female pronouns has changed over time with recent models more likely to describe a doctor with female pronouns.
After establishing that there has been a change in who is represented, we investigate how men and women are represented differently in Section 5.2 by investigating the difference in how women and men are described within these personas and biographies generated without specifying gender. By not specifying gender, we can examine how differences in gender persist in contexts where gender is not specified. To do this analysis, we develop the Subset Similarity Metric and the Subset Representational Bias Score. As we do not specify gender in the prompt, we utilize the Gender Association algorithm we develop to associate gender with each generation. We compare these generations associated with gender to generations specifying gender using the Subset Similarity Metric to calibrate the comparison utilizing the statistically significant words for each occupation, gender, model triple using a calibrated version we develop of the Marked Personas method developed by Cheng et al. (Cheng et al., 2023). We then utilize the Subset Representational Bias Score to directly observe the difference in how women and men are represented. We find glaring statistically significant differences between women and men, indicating that stereotypes and representational harms associated with gender persist when gender is not specified in the prompt. We also observe the percent change in Subset Representational Bias Scores from GPT-3.5 to GPT-4o-mini, and find on average that the biases between associated gender and specified gender have strengthened (i.e. generations associated with women are more similar to generations of specified women in GPT-4o-mini than GPT-3.5), indicating that on average gender biases have amplified from GPT-3.5 to GPT-4o-mini.
We analyze the statistically significant words in Section 5.3 by identifying trends and examining the context in which these words are used. This analysis reveals the perpetuation of stereotypes and the reinforcement of systems of oppression through neoliberal narratives and the meritocracy myth within the generated outputs. This shifts the responsibility for addressing systemic oppression onto individuals rather than challenging and dismantling oppressive systems. Additionally, we observe that the representational harms identified by Cheng et al. (Cheng et al., 2023) persist in generations associated with gender, even when gender was not explicitly prompted. With the increased representation of women, these representational harms proliferate as the representational harms are primarily associated with women and the representation of women has increased. We discuss the implications of these harms and provide recommendations to model developers, researchers, and practitioners in Section 6. The dataset of generated personas and biographies as well as the code to reproduce our results and use the methods and metrics we propose is located at https://github.com/jennm/more-of-the-same.
2. Background
Our work on understanding who is represented and how people are represented is grounded in the representational harm literature. A number of representational harm taxonomies have been developed (Chien and Danks, 2024; Katzman et al., 2023; Shelby et al., 2023). Representational harms refer to how system outputs shape people’s understandings, beliefs, and attitudes toward specific social groups, thereby influencing those groups’ societal standing (Katzman et al., 2023). These harms have been categorized into various types, including social stereotyping, reification of social groups or essentialist categories, inaccurate or skewed representations, demeaning or derogatory language, denial of self-identification, (hyper)attention, exposure or erasure, discrimination, hate or violence, outsider gaze, and hierarchies or marginalization (Chien and Danks, 2024; Katzman et al., 2023; Shelby et al., 2023). While these categories provide valuable insights, they are not exhaustive (Chien and Danks, 2024). Notably, most categories focus on how people are represented, with the exception of the (hyper)attention, exposure, or erasure category, which addresses who is represented. Erasure and lack of representation negatively affect communities and individuals who are not represented (Gadiraju et al., 2023; Ghosh et al., 2024) as does harmful depictions of individuals and communities (Gadiraju et al., 2023; Vassel et al., 2024).
Previous research has extensively investigated gender bias in occupations within word embeddings and language models such as GPT-2 and GPT-3. Rudinger et al. (Rudinger et al., 2018) and Zhao et al. (Zhao et al., 2018) identified occupational gender biases in word embeddings. Kirk et al. (Kirk et al., 2021) demonstrated that GPT-2 associates more occupations with male pronouns than female pronouns. Similarly, Brown et al. (Brown et al., 2020) found that GPT-3 more frequently associates women with participant roles compared to men. Mattern et al. (Mattern et al., 2022) showed that GPT-3 is more likely to associate men with male-dominated occupations and women with female-dominated ones. Kotek et al. (Kotek et al., 2023) further revealed that occupational gender biases—where occupations associated with men are more strongly linked to men and those associated with women are more strongly linked to women—persist across four publicly available large language models as of 2023. Importantly, these analyses were conducted by explicitly providing gender or pronoun options, specifying gender, pronouns, or names (which carry gender associations) in the prompt (Kirk et al., 2021; Kotek et al., 2023; Mattern et al., 2022) or by utilizing existing bias benchmark datasets (Brown et al., 2020). This reliance on specifying gender or gender options in prompts or templates highlights a critical gap in understanding: the presence of gender bias in occupational associations when gender is not explicitly mentioned remains largely unexplored. We seek to address this gap as gender biases can emerge in generations from prompts not specifying gender, yet our understanding of gender biases in these contexts is limited. This is crucial to understand as we think this is a more realistic depiction of how gender biases proliferate in natural settings as the majority of users do not specify gender in the prompt.
To better understand representation in AI systems, various bias benchmarks and evaluations have been developed to measure social biases that contribute to representational harms. These evaluations typically rely on templates specifying gender and occupation (Rudinger et al., 2018; Zhao et al., 2018), sentences containing specific stereotypes (Nadeem et al., 2020; Nangia et al., 2020), or the analysis of marked words generated when prompting specific social groups (Cheng et al., 2023). However, all of these evaluations require the explicit specification of gender, despite the fact that gender biases can also emerge in outputs where gender is not specified in the prompt. Some evaluations focus on who is represented, such as gender and occupation benchmarks (Rudinger et al., 2018; Zhao et al., 2018), while others measure the presence of stereotypes using crowdsourced templates (Nadeem et al., 2020; Nangia et al., 2020). Marked Personas (Cheng et al., 2023) provides insights into how people are represented by identifying statistically significant words that differentiate social groups, but it requires analysis of these words and does not enable aggregate analysis across context. To our knowledge, no existing evaluation framework allows for the analysis of how groups are represented without explicitly specifying the group in the prompt. This gap is critical, as generative AI is frequently used in scenarios where users do not explicitly mention gender or other demographic groups, making it essential to analyze implicit biases in such contexts.
A range of bias mitigation methods have been developed to address representational harms in AI systems. These methods can be applied at various stages, including during training (in-training), modifying inference behavior (intra-processing), or through pre-processing inputs and post-processing outputs (Gallegos et al., 2024a). Key approaches include pre-processing techniques (Dinan et al., 2020; Sun et al., 2023; Yu et al., 2023), prompting strategies (a specialized form of pre-processing) (Abid et al., 2021; Fatemi et al., 2023; Gallegos et al., 2024b; Mattern et al., 2022; Venkit et al., 2023; Yang et al., 2023), in-training methods (Guo et al., 2022; Zheng et al., 2023), such as reinforcement learning with human feedback (RLHF) (Ouyang et al., 2022), intra-processing techniques (Hauzenberger et al., 2023), and post-processing approaches (Dhingra et al., 2023). While many of these methods focus on addressing who is represented in AI outputs (Dinan et al., 2020; Yu et al., 2023), fewer address how individuals and groups are portrayed in ways that preserve experiences tied to identity (Dhingra et al., 2023). Several bias mitigation strategies aim to reduce differences between groups (Guo et al., 2022; Hauzenberger et al., 2023; Zheng et al., 2023), but this approach can unintentionally erase critical historical context about systemic inequality without effectively addressing it. This erasure risks perpetuating inequality by ignoring its structural foundations (Davis et al., 2021). RLHF (Ouyang et al., 2022) offers potential for improving how people are represented; however, the perspectives of the crowd workers providing feedback heavily influence the process. Their viewpoints, biases, and beliefs are embedded within the model, potentially limiting the effectiveness of this approach (Casper et al., 2023). Prompting techniques may adjust how individuals are represented in a single generation (Abid et al., 2021; Fatemi et al., 2023; Gallegos et al., 2024b; Mattern et al., 2022; Venkit et al., 2023; Yang et al., 2023), but they fail to fundamentally alter the underlying biases encoded in the model itself. Given these limitations, it is essential to carefully design and implement bias mitigation interventions to ensure they effectively address representational harms without inadvertently exacerbating them.
3. Methodology
The pipeline of our methodology is as follows. First, we generate personas and biographies. We then utilize the Gender Association Method (described in Section 3.1) to associate gender with each generation as we do not specify gender in the prompt. To understand how men and women are represented in generations, we utilize the Calibrated Marked Words method (described in Section 3.2) to identify the statistically significant words that differentiate associated female generations from associated male generations. The Subset Similarity Metric and Subset Representational Bias Score (described in Section 3.3) utilizes these statistically significant words to analyze how similar men and women are described.
3.1. Gender Association Method
In order to analyze how generative AI depicts people of different genders without explicitly prompting the gender that should be depicted in the output, one must have means to associate an output to a gender. To do this, we propose a Gender Association Method, which associates generations with male, female, and non-binary gender identities. To determine gender associations for each generation, we analyze the frequency of female, male, and neutral pronouns, as well as gendered honorifics like “Ms.,” “Mrs.,” and “Mr.” in a given output. We also account for terms related to non-binary identities, such as “non-binary”, “nonbinary”, or “they/them.” Generations are associated with a non-binary identity if non-binary related terms are present and neutral pronouns outnumber both male and female pronouns. Generations are associated with a female identity if they have more female pronouns than both male and neutral pronouns, or if non-binary related terms are absent and female pronouns outnumber male pronouns. Similarly, generations are associated with a male identity if they have more male pronouns than both female and neutral pronouns, or if non-binary related terms are absent and male pronouns outnumber female pronouns. Generations that do not meet any of these criteria are excluded from gender association and analysis. The pseudocode for the Gender Association Method is provided in Algorithm 5, and the method’s accuracy can be found in Section B.1. We opt to utilize this algorithm as it achieves greater than 99.6% accuracy on each gender in our validation set222The construction of our validation set differs from our test set. The validation set consists of generations where we specify gender in the prompt, whereas our test set consists of generations where we do not specify gender. This is described in Section B.1. and is interpretable, whereas methods relying on LLM calls or other models are not as interpretable.
3.2. Calibrated Marked Words
To identify the statistically significant words that differentiate generations from men and women, we develop the Calibrated Marked Words method, inspired by the Marked Personas method introduced by Cheng et al. (Cheng et al., 2023). Marked Personas (Cheng et al., 2023), developed using the Fightin’ Words Method (Monroe et al., 2008), uses the log-odds probability with a prior (reference corpus of generated text) to identify statistically significant words. We build on this method by 1) adding a calibration step to ensure common words that appear in English (i.e., “the”, “a”, “an”, etc.) and the twenty333This is a hyperparameter we selected for our method. most common words shared across all generations do not appear as statistically significant through hyperparameter tuning described in Section B.2 and 2) rather than using the generated text as our prior, we use a hybrid prior consisting of both the English language444We us the Brown corpus from nltk (Loper and Bird, 2002). and the generated text. We selected the hybrid prior because we observed that the quality of statistically significant words was highest for the hybrid prior as opposed to either the topic or the English language prior. We find that our Calibrated Marked Words method removes common words and results in higher quality statistically significant words. Section B.2 contains this method and the qualitative difference between the resulting words from Calibrated Marked Words and Marked Words.
3.3. Subset Similarity Metric and Subset Representational Bias Score
The Subset Representational Bias Score allows for the comparison of two candidate sets to each other by comparing how similar they are to two target sets . The Subset Similarity Metric allows for the comparison of each candidate set to each target set. Candidate sets and are collections of elements assessed or tested in relation to specific criteria, but they lack a direct basis for comparison. On the other hand, the target sets and serve as benchmarks or references, providing a common ground for comparison. For example, in our case, refers to associated female, refers to associated male, refers to specified female and refers to specified male.
We are interested in understanding how similar the two associated gender sets are to each other by comparing their similarity to the two specified gender sets which consist of word embeddings555We utilize the Word2Vec (Mikolov, 2013) word embeddings from gensim (Rehurek and Sojka, 2010). that correspond to the statistically significant words that differentiate each gender. Here the associated gender sets refer to the word embeddings associated with generations where gender is not prompted, whereas the specified gender sets refer to the word embeddings associated with generations where gender is prompted.
Definition 3.1 (Subset similarity metric).
Let be two sets of vectors in and let be the Euclidean norm. We define
This approach enables us to calculate the average cosine distance between each element in and its most similar counterpart in . This means that always belongs to . indicates that every element in is located in whereas indicates that all of the elements of are very different from .
Definition 3.2 (Subset Representational Bias Score).
Let be three sets of vectors in . We define
We calculate to understand the similarity between and and to understand the similarity between and . We repeat this process for to calculate and . In our case, where refers to associated women and refers to specified women, entails comparing each statistically significant word for inferred women to every significant word for specified women, selecting the word with the smallest cosine distance. This process is repeated for each significant word for associated women, and the average cosine distance serves as the similarity metric between associated and specified women. We can now calculate and allowing us to observe the similarity between and directly using the comparison between these values. A Subset Representational Bias Score of 0 indicates no bias towards either specified men or women. Further details on this algorithm are provided in Algorithm 5, Section B.1.
4. Experiments
We run each of our experiments using various open-source and closed-source state-of-the-art models. Specifically, we test Meta’s Llama-3.1-70b model and OpenAI’s GPT-3.5 and GPT-4o-mini models.666Specifically, gpt-3.5-turbo-0125 and gpt-4o-mini-2024-07-18. We run prompts with and without gender. The genders we investigate are male, female, and non-binary. We test 63 occupations.77760 of which are from the Winogender dataset (Rudinger et al., 2018), and we add “software engineer”, “cook”, and “pilot.” The prompts used are ‘Generate a persona of a [OCCUPATION]’ and ‘Describe a [OCCUPATION] as if you are writing a biography,’ and when we prompt for gender, we use ‘Generate a persona of a [OCCUPATION] who is a [woman/man/non-binary person]’ and ‘Describe a [OCCUPATION] who is a [woman/man/non-binary person] as if you are writing a biography’. When describing the generations, we refer to generations resulting from the prompts without gender as associated gender, and we refer to the prompt resulting from genders with specified gender as specified gender.
4.1. Who is represented?
To investigate who is represented in an occupation, for each occupation, we generate 100 generations per prompt. We then utilize the Gender Association Algorithm described in Section 3.1 to associate gender to each generation. We then compare the percentage of women in each occupation to the Bureau of Labor and Statistics (BLS) (of Labor Statistics, 2024). To observe the differences between the BLS and the models, we divide the occupations based on whether the occupation is female or male-dominated according to the BLS. We calculate the percentage of women associated with every occupation and count the occupations based on the percent decile (i.e., 0-10, 10-20, etc.). This allows us to analyze patterns across female and male-dominated occupations while also noting patterns specific to either female or male-dominated occupations. We also report non-binary representation by calculating the non-binary representation associated with every occupation and count the occupations based on the percentile (i.e., 0, 0-1, 1-2, etc.).
4.2. How are people represented?
To analyze the similarity between the generations associated with gender, we first identify the statistically significant words between generations associated with gender. To ensure statistical significance, we generate personas until we have at least 100 personas per occupation, associated gender, and prompt. We require that at least 10% of instances be associated with each gender for an occupation to be considered due to computational limitations. We do not consider non-binary gender in this analysis as generations associated with non-binary constitute less than 10% of generations. On average 1000 generations per occupation and prompt are needed to have 100 generations per associated gender. We associate gender with each generation using the Gender Association Method described in Section 3.1. When using the Calibrated Marked Words method, we identify statistically significant words per occupation and associated gender to ensure occupational words shared across gender are not identified. For example, “doctor” might be equally present in generations associated with women and generations associated with men for the “doctor” occupation, but if “doctor” is statistically significant for female engineers, it might be flagged as statistically significant for women if the generations compared are not from the same occupation.
To compare the similarity of statistically significant words between associated men and women, we utilize the Subset Similarity Metric as we cannot directly compare generations associated with men and women. Thus, we also generate 100 personas per occupation, gender, and prompt using the prompts where gender is specified to serve as our basis for comparison. This results in 600 () generations per occupation and 37800 () total generations. The statistically significant words for specified gender are identified using the Calibrated Marked Words method per occupation and gender. Prior to comparison using the Subset Similarity Metric, we remove pronouns from the statistically significant words as differences in pronouns are expected. Our candidate sets are the word embeddings for the statistically significant words for associated men () and women (), and our target sets are the word embeddings for the statistically significant words for specified men () and women ().
We then utilize the Subset Representational Bias Scores to understand if there is a statistically significant difference in how associated men and associated women are described. We compare the for associated women and the for associated men which is between -2 and 2. If is equivalent to , this implies that there is no gendered difference in the statistically significant words for associated men and women. We find that the differences between and are statistically significant, as we compute the p-scores per model between the average Subset Representational Bias Score for each occupation between associated men and women. Each p-score was less than 0.05, and the exact p-scores are provided in Table 5 in Section C.1.
5. Analysis
We first analyze who is represented within occupations by observing the gender distribution. We then compare how generations associated with men and women are described across occupations and models. Finally, we look at the statistically significant words and analyze how stereotypes, representational harms, and neoliberal ideals are reinforced. Throughout our analysis we use associated gender and specified gender. Associated gender refers to generations resulting from prompts where gender is not explicitly prompted, and specified gender refers to generations resulting from prompts where gender is explicitly prompted.
5.1. Who is represented?
Previous research has highlighted biases linking gender to occupation, where male pronouns are more commonly associated with male-dominated occupations and female pronouns with female-dominated ones (Liu et al., 2024; Kotek et al., 2023; Mattern et al., 2022; Rudinger et al., 2018). To examine whether these biases persist in downstream tasks where gender is not explicitly specified, and analyze how these associations have evolved as models are updated, we conducted the experiment detailed in Section 4.1, with results presented in Figure 1. These plots show the percentage of women represented across occupations when gender is not explicitly prompted, and compares this with the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS). In a model that accurately reflects real-world labor distributions, we would expect gender representation to align more closely with BLS data. If the models were designed to equally represent men and women, the distribution would cluster around 50% for all occupations, regardless of historical gender representation. The results reveal a clear trend: the models are more likely to generate biographies of women than men, and this is true on average across occupations, such that the representation of women is greater than it is in the data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS).
Kirk et al. (Kirk et al., 2021) demonstrated that GPT-2 associates more occupations with male pronouns than with female pronouns, Mattern et al. (Mattern et al., 2022) showed that GPT-3 is more likely to associate men with male-dominated occupations and women with female-dominated ones, and Kotek et al. (Kotek et al., 2023) showed that in four publicly available large language models in 2023 occupations associated with men are more strongly linked to men. The results in Figure 1 indicate a departure in how models associate gender with occupation from these previous results. As our results show, GPT-3.5, GPT-4o-mini, and Llama-3.1 are more likely to generate biographies of women than with men, and this extends even to male-dominated occupations, where the majority are still primarily associated with women. On average, across occupations, the percentage of women exceeds that of men, and this trend seems to exacerbate for more recent models. For instance, among male-dominated occupations, GPT-3.5 was much more likely to depict a small percentage of women, whereas GPT-4o-mini was more likely to depict majority women. Interestingly, the increase in female representation is pronounced across both male- and female-dominated occupations. However, this shift is not observed in traditionally male-dominated blue-collar occupations, such as technician, plumber, janitor, and carpenter, where female representation remains largely unchanged. While there are slight variations in gender association percentages based on the model and prompt used, the overall trend of increased female representation persists across all prompts, models, and occupations tested.
We also examine non-binary representation across occupations and find that non-binary representation is 0% for all occupations in both GPT-3.5 and Llama-3.1 and for the majority of occupations (35 out of 63) in GPT-4o-mini. In the U.S., approximately 1.6% of the population identifies as non-binary (Brown, 2022), and our analysis shows that only 12 occupations surpass this representation benchmark in GPT-4o-mini. These results are presented in Figure 6 in Appendix A, and they highlight the persistent underrepresentation of non-binary individuals in generative models. Although there was an increase in non-binary representation for some occupations in GPT-4o-mini, an increase in representation does not necessarily translate into accurate or non-stereotypical descriptions of non-binary individuals. Unfortunately, the limited data on non-binary representation prevents a more detailed analysis of how non-binary individuals are characterized within these generations.
The large representation of women, which departs from what one would expect based on empirical findings in prior models, suggests that some form of bias mitigation intervention may have been applied to influence the change in distribution. However, this mitigation appears to focus on increasing female representation rather than ensuring men and women are equally represented, as we do not observe a corresponding decrease in female representation within female-dominated occupations. While increasing female representation in male-dominated occupations can help challenge gender stereotypes, failing to address representation imbalances between men and women or further increasing female representation in female-dominated occupations risks reinforcing existing stereotypes associated with these roles. Our findings indicate that female representation in female-dominated occupations has increased significantly, as the number of occupations falling within the 70–100% representation range is substantially higher than what the BLS reports for those categories. This suggests that bias amplification is occurring, leading to an overrepresentation of women in traditionally female-dominated occupations (Kotek et al., 2023). Furthermore, we note that GPT-4o-mini and Llama-3.1 exhibit a higher percentage of women compared to GPT-3.5. This is particularly evident in the increased number of occupations falling within the 70–100% representation range in Figure 1a and the 90–100% range in Figure 1b for GPT-4o-mini and Llama-3.1, compared to GPT-3.5.

5.2. How are people represented?
The representation of women across occupations, especially across male-dominated occupations, may address some concerns of visibility, insofar as not being represented would constitute a representational harm. However, this does not entail that women and men are described similarly or that stereotypes and other representational harms have been eliminated in model generations. To explore these disparities, we employ the Subset Representation Bias Score, as outlined in Section 3.3, to analyze statistically significant differences in word usage. Our findings reveal that the Subset Representation Bias Score—which calculates the difference between similarity to specified women and specified men—varies notably between associated women and men. As shown in Figure 2, associated women are more similar to specified women than associated men, resulting in a negative score. Conversely, associated men are more similar to specified men, resulting in a positive score.888A positive score is associated with men because would be closer to 2 as statistically significant words for associated men and specified women are not very similar. would be closer to 0 as statistically significant words for associated men and specified men would be similar. As , a subset representative bias score that is positive indicates that associated men are more similar to specified men than women. A negative subset representative bias score for associated women indicates that associated women are more similar to specified women than men.
The statistically significant differences between the scores of men and women reveal that personas and biographies of men and women are described and treated differently. While some variation in individual personas and biographies across gender is expected, we would not anticipate statistically significant differences to persist if biases in how people are represented have been adequately addressed. This suggests that social biases present when gender is specified persist in generations where gender is not specified in the prompt.
We analyze the change in the Subset Representation Bias Score from GPT-3.5 to GPT-4o-mini and observe that, on average, the similarity between statistically significant words associated with associated gender and specified gender is higher in GPT-4o-mini compared to GPT-3.5. Figure 3 illustrates the percentage change between the two models, with occupations such as “software engineer,” “cook,” and “chef” showing a 100% increase in similarity across both genders. This finding indicates that the transition from GPT-3.5 to GPT-4o-mini has amplified biases in the similarity between associated and specified genders.


5.3. What are the implications of how people are represented?
Understanding the implications of how people are represented requires understanding the statistically significant differences in language choice as well as the types of representational harms and their implications. For instance, it could be unproblematic if the statistical differences captured in Figure 2 were driven by gendered nouns, such as women being more often described as “wife” and men being more often described as “husband.” To determine whether the differences are driven merely by grammatical factors, or whether there are signficant representational differences, we qualitatively examined the statistically significant words and developed categories grounded on terms associated with gender stereotypes and other representational harms studied in the social science literature.
In Section 5.3.1 and Section 5.3.2, we examine trends of word choices across occupations that relate to stereotypes and reinforcing systems of oppression by shifting responsibility to the individual rather than addressing structural issues. These trends indicate that the difference in scores between associated women and men implies that the stereotypes and representational harms observed in generations where gender is explicitly prompted persist even when gender is not referenced in the prompt. This also implies that the high prevalence of women depicted across occupations could risk a proliferation of these stereotypes. If models are increasingly more likely to portray women when gender is unspecified in the prompt (as discussed in Section 5.1), but how women are portrayed is still subject to the representational harms characterized in prior literature, these harmful representations are increasingly produced unpromptedly.
5.3.1. Stereotypes and Representational Harms
Stereotypes as a representational harm have been outlined by numerous representational harm taxonomies (Chien and Danks, 2024; Katzman et al., 2023; Shelby et al., 2023). Gender stereotypes are prevalent across various contexts and can have harmful effects, whether the stereotype is perceived as positive or negative (Burkley and Blanton, 2009; Kay et al., 2013). Stereotype-related words identified in our analysis include personality traits, sports, societal expectations, and negative stigmas. These categories are grounded in the social science literature and reflect the U.S. cultural context. Research highlights that women are often stereotyped as caring and nurturing (Eagly and Steffen, 1984; Hesmondhalgh and Baker, 2015), empathetic (Christov-Moore et al., 2014; Löffler and Greitemeyer, 2023), and family-oriented (Napp, 2024; Nosek et al., 2002). Brough et al. (Brough et al., 2016) discuss how women are stereotyped as eco-friendly and environmentally conscious. Men are frequently stereotyped as being linked to sports, including basketball, soccer, and sports generally (Chalabaev et al., 2013) and golf (McGinnis et al., 2005). Meanwhile, women are associated with activities such as yoga (Shaw and Kaytaz, 2021). Additionally, societal emphasis on women’s appearance and its harmful effects are well-documented (Buote et al., 2011). Regarding negative stigmas, men face significant societal stigma surrounding mental health, as explored by Chatmon (Chatmon, 2020) and Pattyn et al. (Pattyn et al., 2015). We determined the words that would be associated with these categories by qualitatively analyzing the words and validating that the context the words were used in positioned them to be part of the categories. For example, we validated that “tie” was typically used to describe an article of clothing as opposed to “tie ideas together.” The words associated with these categories are provided Section D.1.

The prevalence of these stereotypes is illustrated in Figure 4. Figure 4a shows that words related to care, empathy, mental health, nurturing, and the environment are predominantly associated with women. This finding suggests that stereotypes of women as caring, empathetic, and nurturing are perpetuated across occupations in generations associated with women. The absence of mental health related words in male-associated generations suggests a continuation of the status quo, wherein men’s mental health is more stigmatized. Similarly, the higher prevalence of environmental language for women reinforces the stereotype that women are more concerned about environmental issues, more likely to engage in environmental advocacy, and more inclined to make eco-friendly purchases (Brough et al., 2016). This reinforcement may discourage men from participating in these activities, further entrenching gendered expectations around environmental responsibility. Figure 4b highlights that gender stereotypes persist in sports-related words where terms associated with women are statistically significant only for women, while those associated with men are significant only for men. This is evident as no bars of the other gender are present indicating there were 0 occupations with statistically significant words for that category. This finding indicates gendered sports stereotypes proliferate.
Figure 4c demonstrates that appearance-related words are more frequently associated with women than men. This trend reflects and reinforces societal norms that place disproportionate emphasis on women’s appearance compared to men’s. The continued focus on women’s appearance in generative AI outputs is problematic, as it perpetuates norms where discussions of women’s looks often overshadow their achievements and contributions (Baxter, 2018; Cameron and Shaw, 2016; Campus, 2013; Tischner et al., 2021; Walsh, 2015). Moreover, this focus has historically been used as a means to trivialize women’s accomplishments (Mavin et al., 2010), further entrenching harmful gender stereotypes (Baxter, 2018; Cameron and Shaw, 2016; Debray et al., 2024; Garcia-Blanco and Wahl-Jorgensen, 2012). Interestingly, while most stereotypes are reinforced in these outputs, the association of women with family roles is challenged. Familial words are statistically more significant for men than for women, suggesting a bias intervention may have been utilized to counteract this stereotype. The patterns illustrated in Figure 4 reveal that many gender stereotypes are reinforced in generative outputs. This reinforcement has significant implications for downstream tasks and user interactions, as these stereotypes will likely persist and impact users. Furthermore, if synthetic data from these models is used to train new models, these stereotypes may become more ingrained, amplifying their presence in subsequent models (Wang et al., 2024; Wyllie et al., 2024).
5.3.2. Maintaining the Status Quo–Reinforcing Systems of Oppression
Cheng et al. (Cheng et al., 2023) identified that the myth of resilience, associated with words such as “resilience” and “strength,” has been utilized to normalize the environments that lead to poverty, inequality, and other social issues rather than challenging these structures that require “strength” and “resilience” (Liao et al., 2020; Rottenberg, 2014; Watson and Hunter, 2016). Furthermore, Cheng et al. (Cheng et al., 2023) connect the myth of resilience to greater harm for minority women and harms associated with the Strong Black Woman stereotype (Woods-Giscombé, 2010). Education scholars have discussed how resilience is often framed within neoliberal discourses as a form of empowerment for marginalized individuals, but this framing shifts responsibility from systems to address systemic inequities onto individuals, ultimately reinforcing these structures and harming marginalized communities (Clay, 2019; Webster and Rivers, 2019). Similarly, Clay (Clay, 2019) and Joseph (Joseph, 2013) discuss how political discourses of resilience contribute to neoliberalism and place the burden on individuals to overcome systemic structures. Thus, using resilience-related words to describe underrepresented groups can contribute to neoliberal ideals that harm these groups. Neoliberalism is the theory that the well-being of communities and individuals is best advanced by free markets that allow for the optimal distribution of resources within society (Card and Hepburn, 2023; Harvey, 2007). Policies developed using this theory have been associated with poorer collective health and social well-being (Card and Hepburn, 2023; Collins et al., 2015; Garnham, 2017; Gatwiri et al., 2019; Hartmann, 2016) and can lead to greater poverty (Huber and Solt, 2004; Navarro, 2007). Thus, in our analysis of representational harms, we identify the presence of statistically significant words which social scientists have noted contribute to neoliberal narratives that can reinforce systems of oppression.
Our categories for this analysis are excellence, academia, resilience, and inspiration. We also include the categories of advocacy and diversity as they are associated with gendered expectations. LABEL:table:categorization in Section D.1 provides a detailed breakdown of the specific words related to each category. Sociology researchers note that the discourse surrounding excellence and academia often emphasizes individual effort and achievement reinforcing neoliberal ideals (Andrew, 2024; Baker and Brewis, 2020; Feldman and Sandoval, 2018; Gerodetti and McNaught-Davis, 2017; McRobbie, 2015; Ringrose, 2007; Saunders, 2015; Saunders and Blanco Ramírez, 2017). Researchers also discuss how discussion of excellence and academia support the meritocracy myth—the notion that success stems primarily from individual effort (Alvarado, 2010; Blair-Loy and Cech, 2022; Lawton, 2000; Liu, 2011; Razack et al., 2020; Rhode, 1996; Staniscuaski, 2023). Adamson & Kelan (Adamson and Kelan, 2019) and Byrne et al. (Byrne et al., 2019) discuss how media representation of “inspirational” women emphasize that their achievements result primarily from individual effort, ignoring broader structural and systemic factors. Such narratives contribute to the perpetuation of systemic inequalities by obscuring the societal and institutional barriers that many face.

Figure 5a illustrates that words related to excellence, academia, and doctorate degrees are predominantly statistically significant for women across all models. Figure 5b shows that words related to resilience are predominantly associated with women across various occupations. This association perpetuates the notion that individuals can overcome systemic oppression solely through personal resilience, thereby shifting the focus from dismantling oppressive systems to placing the burden on individuals. Similarly, Figure 5b also reveals that words related to inspiration are also more frequently associated with women across all occupations. The manner in which “inspiration” is used in the female personas echos media discussion of inspirational women which emphasizes that their achievement resulting from individual effort ignoring broader structural and systemic factors (Adamson and Kelan, 2019; Byrne et al., 2019). Figure 5c shows a significantly higher prevalence of words related to advocacy and diversity for women compared to men across all occupations and models. Women and other underrepresented groups often feel, or are pressured, to represent their communities, engage in diversity initiatives, and mentor junior colleagues or students from underrepresented backgrounds (Altan-Olcay and Bergeron, 2024; Ajayi et al., 2021; Docka-Filipek and Stone, 2021; Guarino and Borden, 2017; Malisch et al., 2020; Misra et al., 2011; Porter et al., 2018; Pyke, 2015; Reid, 2021; Smith-Doerr et al., 2023; Toole, 2019; Zambrana et al., 2017). The overrepresentation of advocacy- and mentorship-related words associated with women reinforces the expectation that women bear greater responsibility for advancing diversity and inclusion than men. This places the burden of addressing systemic inequities on women, rather than holding institutions and organizations accountable for meaningful change (Pyke, 2015). Achieving equity in the prevalence of advocacy-related language for both men and women would signal that advocacy and mentorship are collective responsibilities, not burdens to be disproportionately shouldered by marginalized groups. Recommendations for improving diversity, equity, and inclusion in workplaces and universities emphasize the importance of involving stakeholders from all groups and levels of the organization (Ueda et al., 2024).
6. Implications
Our findings have significant implications for researchers, model developers, and users. Our results in Section 5.2 reveal that gender differences persist across generations of models in the absence of explicitly prompting gender. Furthermore, these differences often reflect stereotypes and perpetuate harmful narratives. These results suggest harms stemming from gender representations can propagate and proliferate into downstream tasks such as creative composition, explanation and reasoning, general information retrieval, and persona generation.
Our findings in Section 5.1 indicate bias mitigation methods may have been applied as female representation is much greater than what would be expected based on previous literature studying older models of LLMs. Furthermore, comparison across the models considered in our study also suggests that these changes may continue to exacerbate over time. Crucially, our findings also challenge the assumption that non-gendered prompts are free of gender bias. As we showcase, non-gendered prompts still result in representational harms. These biases may manifest in downstream tasks such as writing a story about a doctor, providing general information or explanations about groups with implicit gender associations (e.g., teachers), or generating personas like students. This highlights the need for robust bias evaluation methods to identify biases in contexts where gender and other social groups are not explicitly specified. Additionally, it emphasizes the importance of developing mitigation strategies that address representational biases in who is represented and how people are represented to reduce harm in real-world applications.
Building on our findings, we echo Cheng et al.’s (Cheng et al., 2023) recommendation that model developers transparently disclose the bias mitigation methods employed, including the use of synthetic data, Reinforcement Learning from Human Feedback (RLHF), and Reinforcement Learning with AI Feedback (RLAIF). These methods may unintentionally reinforce existing biases or introduce new ones. For example, in Section 5.2 we show how gender distributions shifted between GPT-3.5 and GPT-4o-mini, with GPT-4o-mini being even more likely to depict women when gender was not specified in the prompt. Several factors could contribute to this. As OpenAI has not disclosed specific details about how GPT-4o-mini was trained, we cannot confirm the exact cause of this effect. Thus, transparency in these processes is essential for anticipating and addressing unintended consequences.
Although our analysis does not directly include race or other sociodemographic axes (like religion or economic status), it is crucial to understand how these axes of identity are present in model outputs when not specifically prompted. We urge researchers to develop new methods to allow for this understanding. Our development of the Subset Similarity Metric and Subset Representational Bias Score aids in this by helping practitioners and researchers understand the difference between groups as these metrics aided us in understanding differences between how men and women are described when gender is not prompted. Usage of these metrics requires consideration of context as expected behavior and representational harms are context-specific. We also advocate for the development of evaluations that assess social biases in contexts where social groups are not explicitly prompted. When considering depictions of different demographic groups without explicit prompts, extending beyond gender poses challenges; while gender associations can be directly drawn from the pronouns used in the biography, the same is not true for other demographics.
7. Conclusion
In this paper, we demonstrate that who is represented within occupation has departures from previous analysis of gender in occupation–women comprise the majority of personas and biographies across state-of-the-art models– but how women are represented continues to be harmful. Specifically, we demonstrate statistical differences between women and men continue when models are not prompted with gender, and the representational harms associated with women persist in these generations. Furthermore, we qualitatively investigated these statistically significant differences in word choice between men and women and found that stereotypes and harmful narratives, such as neoliberal ideals embedded in the meritocracy myth, are perpetuated. With the increased representation of women, this implies that these representational harms proliferate, calling for careful consideration of the interplay between different forms of representational harms, particularly in the usage of bias mitigation interventions.
8. Adverse Impact Statement
Our work should not be misinterpreted to mean that model developers should avoid using bias mitigation methods for fear of unintentionally worsening representational harms. Rather, the use of bias mitigation methods requires careful consideration and nuance of their impact. The metrics we propose should also not be used to “game” treating groups equally regardless of context. Rather, the metrics are a tool to provide insight into how groups are treated differently, and its interpretation requires consideration of context as we have illustrated in our analysis.
Furthermore, this paper highlights the importance of transparency in model development, underscoring the need to disclose how the inclusion or absence of bias mitigation methods influences observed model behavior. Such transparency fosters a deeper understanding and more informed efforts to address representational harms effectively.
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Appendix A Non-binary Representation
Figure 6 demonstrates non-binary representation across occupations and models.

Appendix B Methodology
B.1. Gender Association Method
We test our Gender Association Method on generations where we specify gender and our method’s performance is reported in Table 1. Of the generations analyzed where gender is not specified, the percent of generations where gender is associated per model is displayed in Table 2.
Gender | Correct % | Incorrect% | Not Captured% |
---|---|---|---|
Female | 99.9180 | 0.0080 | 0.0740 |
Male | 99.8463 | 0.0053 | 0.1483 |
Non-binary | 99.6693 | 0.0037 | 0.3280 |
GPT-3.5 | GPT-4o-mini | Llama-3.1-70b | |
% Captured | 80.460 | 94.310 | 98.167 |
B.2. Calibrated Marked Words
The Calibrated Marked Words algorithm is described in Algorithm 4. The values of the hyperparameters, and were determined using binary search and observing the resulting marked words when each prior (English and topic) where used individually. We began with the min value of 0 and 1 and the English prior and continued to binary search until the marked words returned by the English prior did not contain common words. We repeated this process for the topic prior and then observed the results of the hybrid prior using the hyperparameter which constitutes the mixture between the topic and English priors. We then selected as we wanted to place greater weight on the topic prior while still reaping the benefits of the English prior. We observed that the and we had selected resulted in calibrated marked words that did not contain common words.
The qualitative difference between Marked Personas (Cheng et al., 2023) and our Calibrated Marked Words method is demonstrated in Tables 3 and LABEL:tab:our-calibrated-marked-words by examining the difference in statistically significant words for female, male, and non-binary software engineers. Table 3 demonstrates the words captured by Marked Personas (Cheng et al., 2023) and not by our Calibrated Marked Words method. LABEL:tab:our-calibrated-marked-words demonstrates the words captured by our Calibrated Marked Words method and not by Cheng et al.’s (Cheng et al., 2023) Marked Personas.
Gender | Marked Words |
---|---|
M | back, boy, children |
F | one, being, i, been |
N | we, state, were, value, be, feel, felt, should, our, expression |
Gender | Calibrated Marked Words |
M | projects, github, online, values, keen, technologies, lifestyle, detailoriented, enjoys, analytical, underprivileged, struggles, collaborative, honed, burgeoning, boundaries, management, innovatech, cycling, carter, spends, startup, kubernetes, streamlined, knack, outdoor, contributes, repositories, avid, attracting, streamline, max, clean, aspirations, peers, frameworks, tackling, finds, manageable, problems, clients, mobile, fitness, jason, designer, reviews, immersed, best, adaptable, interned, stay, healthy, courses, pays, hours, andrews, tools, enthusiast, inc, graduating, takes, years, regularly, propelled, methodical, prominence, reynolds, marked, jameson, blockchain, jonathans, maintainable, blogs, updated, likes, databases, entrepreneurial, java, developer, push, jamess, outdoorsman, nate, reed, flourished, jim, podcasts, learner, player, simple, processes, adventures, team, superiors, activities, codecraft, continuous |
F | diverse, aimed, workshops, workplace, communities, supportive, empowerment, equitable, passionate, underserved, innovator, trailblazing, generations, berkeley, pursue, conferences, focused, everyone, support, resilience, chens, biases, accessibility, navigating, bias, proving, volunteering, fostering, gap, aidriven, luna, countless, contributions, laude, cum, imposter, promote, networking, syndrome, educators, publications, focuses, resources, algorithms, featured, institute, empowered, recognized, confidence, summa, emilys, claras, mental, stereotypes, continue, collaborates, efforts, ellie, aisha, panels, academic, industry, massachusetts, extends, faced, workforce, rescue, perseverance, thousands, others, equity, traditionally, recognition, innovators, tran, underrepresentation, nguyen, priya, doctorate, immigrants, advancing, health, disparity, workplaces, prowess, tensorflow, earning, future |
N | stem, pursuing, empowerment, inspire, hiring, nonprofit, passionate, prioritized, vuejs, storytelling, openminded, talks, organization, engage, teenage, focused, workplaces, rails, within, focuses, societal, multicultural, empathy, championed, discussions, environment, aimed, specialize, blending, painting, fields, culture, uxui, became, pioneering, artistic, ecofriendly, empowered, addition, uiux, taylors, usercentered, blossomed, influenced, express, stereotypes, outspoken, activism, disabilities, educate, themes, beacon, faced, creativity, panels, frontend, broader, morgans, proving, coastal, maledominated, faces, uplift, generations, vibrant, urban, resonate, wellbeing, user, break, quinn, promotes, oneself, tapestry, authentically, transcends, embraces, galleries, shaped, discuss, worlds, align, casey, particularly, pave, speculative, usable, background, establish, installations, practicing, css, listener, related |
B.3. Generating Inferred Gender Generations for Analysis
We generate 100 generations per occupation, prompt, and gender. To ensure we can generate 100 generations per gender for each occupation and prompt pair, we only consider occupations for which both inferred men and women comprise at least 10% of generations. A smaller criterion (i.e. 1%) would be computationally more expensive and result in 10x more generations needed. From there, we continue generating until we have 100 generations of inferred men and 100 generations of inferred women for each occupation and prompt pair. We repeat this process for all occupations that qualify (i.e. have at least 10% inferred men and women). This process is detailed in Algorithm 5.
B.4. Subset Representational Bias Score
Appendix C Experiments
C.1. Statistical Significance
Table 5 demonstrates the statistical significance of the Subset Representational Bias Scores by showing the p-values per model.
Model | Welch’s t-statistic | p-value |
---|---|---|
Llama-3.1-70b | -14.09 | 3.635656761828951e-18 |
gpt-3.5-turbo-0125 | -11.54 | 3.139115052279454e-16 |
gpt-4o-mini-2024-07-18 | -13.85 | 4.884107786071393e-18 |
Appendix D Analysis
D.1. Categorization
LABEL:table:categorization showcases the categorization mapping described in Section 5.3.
Trait | Words |
Empathetic | compassionate, empathetic, approachability, compassion, empathy, empathize |
Mental health | mental, health, imposter, syndrome |
enviroment | environmental, sustainable, solarpowered, sustainability, ecofriendly, enviroment |
caring/nurturing | nurturing, warm, care |
Female Sports | yoga |
Male Sports | sports, soccer, basketball, golf |
Appearance | ponytail, bun, blue, temples, stocky, saltandpepper, short, hair, blonde, tie, shirt, piercing, tall, cleanshaven, muscular, curly, beard, build, suit, athletic |
Family | daughter, children, family, sweetheart, married, son, mother, parents, husband, father, wife, grandmother, grandmothers, relationships, grandchildren |
Excellence | excels, prowess, excellence, extraordinaire, accomplished, excelling, top, outstanding, achievements, accolades, awards, celebrated, excelled, stanford, forbes, prestigious, award, star, pioneering, michelin, valedictorian, excel, hero, honors, oxford, harvard, mit, powerhouse, remembered |
dr | dr, phd, doctorate, doctoral, dissertation |
academic | college, academic, university, undergraduate, graduate, undergrad, valedictorian, academia |
Resilience | resilience, resilient, perseverance, persevered |
Inspiration | inspired, inspire, inspiring, inspiration |
Advocacy | advocate, aspiring, outreach, advocating, advocates, volunteered, empowering, empowerment, volunteer, compassionate, empathetic, activism, volunteering, advocacy |
Diversity | diversity, diverse, inclusion, multicultural, inclusive |
D.2. Prompt Specific Figures


Appendix E Calibrated Marked Words
The words displayed in this table are the statistically significant words identified using our Calibrated Marked Words method by occupation, model, and gender. Bolded words are statistically significant for both the specified and associated generations (i.e. statistically significant for both associated and specified women) and underlined words are statistically significant for the associated gender and a different specified gender (i.e. statistically significant for associated women and specified men or vice versa).